China And American Foreign Policy

China And American Foreign Policy China and American Foreign Policy Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Cold War was over, making the U.S. the only superpower left in the world. This has made the international system much more tranquil, and relaxed. The only country potentially powerful besides the U.S., is China. Many Americans fear China, not only because they are communist, but also because of their huge population. Their population is 1.3 billion people, which accounts 1/5th of the worlds population.

As one of the only potential superpowers in the world, it would be in the best interest of all Americans if the U.S. and China became allies, instead of enemies. Peace and development, economic prosperity and social progress, are goals that both of these two countries share. Unfortunately the world is full of many destabilizing factors. We have to figure out how to make the 21st century peaceful and stable, despite all of these factors.

The U.S. and China are two awesome nations. One, being the largest developed nation in the world, the other one being the largest developing country in the world. Both are already permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The two countries also share common interests in making sure peace and stability is not only done in Asia, but the world at large.

We both share common responsibilities in the promotion of global cooperation, and in the prevention of weapons of mass destruction, the crackdown on terrorism, drug trafficking, and other cross-border crimes, along with many other chief areas of primary concern. For example, there is a huge potential for cooperation between countries in the following areas: environmental protection, culture, energy, preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, promoting global economic cooperation, cracking down on international terrorism, cross-border crimes along with many other areas (5). China has been a communist country since the communist revolution took place in 1949, since then China has been ruled by the dictator Mao Tse-Tung. However the Chinese dictator died in September 1976, he was hailed abroad as one of the worlds great leaders. Certainly one of the more impressive aspects of the Chinese communist government, has been the willingness of the people to protest against it (3, pg. 4). China has been in a state of revolution and reform since the Sino-Japanese war of 1895.

As a result of Japans victory over Russia in 1905, Chinas constitutional reform movement gathered momentum. This forced the Manchu government by public opinion to make gestures of preparation for a constitutional government, an act to which reformers in exile responded enthusiastically by establishing a Political Participation Society (Cheng-wen-she) (1, pg.84). The apparent willingness of the Manchu government to consider constitutional reform naturally removed some of the assumptions for revolution and impeded its progress. This helped to sharpen the already intense conflicts that occurred between the reformists and the revolutionaries. In efforts to check this unfavorable tide, the Chinese student revolutionaries in Tokyo extended their war of words to physical combat. Unfortunately the revolutionaries victory over the reformists in Tokyo was not equal to (5=Zhaoxing, Li, Seeking Common Ground, haoxing.html) (3= Moody, Peter, Chinese Politics after Mao, copyright 1983, pg.

2) (1=Liew, K.S., Struggle for Democracy, copyright 1971, pg. 84-87) its battlefield victories against the Manchu government in this period. Instead they suffered many discouraging reverses. The failure of the uprisings on December 1906 caused the entire revolution to move to the southern provinces along the Hong Kong/Indo-China border (1, pg. 86). Between 1907 and 1908 six unsuccessful uprisings in South China were underwent by the Chinese League in South China.

Do to deaths of Emperors and Empresss, control of the government fell into the hands of younger, very inexperienced Manchu princes. The intolerance and animosity these princes held towards non-Manchu statesmen, and overhasty indiscreet execution of centralization policy, cost them the service and affection of loyal and able Chinese officials. At the same time the reformers discredited themselves by having internal squabbles over money (1, pg.87). While all of this turmoil was going on in the country of China, its foreign relations were worsening. British troops entered Tibet, while the Russians pressed for treaty revisions respecting its trade relations with Mongolia and Sinkiang. The revolutionaries felt the urgency of overthrowing the Manchu dynasty as the prerequisite for dealing with their difficulties with foreign nations.

They felt that the time for saving China was running out, and they must get rid of the incompetent Manchus (3). In 1911 the Chinese revolutionaries were not aware of the necessity or the techniques for organizing the masses for revolution. The majority of the Chinese did not even take part in the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Participation was confined to students, soldiers, members of secret societies, and some government officials. It is said that the revolutionaries neglect of socialist principles greatly contributed to the failure of the 1911 revolution.

This is because they failed to broaden the basis of their revolution to include peasants. This 1911 revolution provided China with its very first chance at adopting democracy, but its failure drove many to take the opposite course of action. Many began to doubt the validity of democracy under Chinese conditions, after this revolution failed (1, pg. 198-200). The Pro-democracy demonstrations in Beijing and other cities from April to June 1989 were more than just an episodic expression of popular discontent with the Chinese government.

Of prime importance was the non-violent nature of the protesters. The extraordinary self-discipline of the one-million-strong demonstrations was a testimony to the populations collective awareness that violence would only destroy the movements moral force. Chinas leaders fostered profound distrust, and mutual suspicion among the population by cynically manipulating popular discontent and encouraging strife for their narrow ideological goals. In contrast, 1989 witnessed the forming of a genuine civil society in urban China as popular consciousness was created among the different groups and individuals. The massive support for the student movement in 1989 indicated a profound rupture between state and society, and in the long-lasting divisions between the intellectuals and the people (2, pg.

131-3). Most of the U.S.s problems in its relations with China stem from human rights abuses that their government has done to its people. In the spring of 1989, an unprecedented popular movement in Beijing and other cities peacefully challenged the authority of the government, only to be crushed by military force. Chinese tanks and machine guns crushed student pro-democracy demonstrations in Beijings Tiananmen Square, which killed, wounded, and imprisoned thousands of peaceful protesters. (2=Saich, Tony The Chinese Peoples Movement copyright 1990, pg. 131-133) In the immediate aftermath of Chinas greatest political crisis since the communist takeover in 1949, the regime attempted to regain legitimacy that was lost during one nights carnage by the Peoples Liberation Army that resulted in over a thousand innocent civilian deaths.

To defend the crackdown on both the domestic and the international fronts the Chinese government warned that any recurrence of popular protests would be summarily crushed (2). China was our ally in WWII, fighting against Japan. But after the communist revolution of 1949, things changed, China became an enemy. The estimated annual defense budget of china is $8.7 billion dollars, however the expenditures have been estimated at ten times that amount at $87 billion dollars. That is still less than a third of what the U.S.

defense budget is at $265. $87 billion 1/3 of Americas defense budget is not a lot of money considering the fact that there population is almost three times the size the U.S. has. The political fallout from the Tiananmen crisis shaped much of Chinas political landscape after 1989. Extensive organizational measures were adopted to squelch political conflicts within the Chinese Communist Party and the Peoples Liberation Army, and to tighten control over colleges, factories, and villages. The lessons of the 1989 pro-democracy movement was that a ruling Communist party could not tolerate liberalization (4,pgs. 1-3) The serious hard-line communist resisted any, and all of the propositions that would involve any political change that might threaten the one-party dictatorship, thus condemning Western Cultural and political influence in China …